Conclusion
That which was on the margins in the 1970s and the early 1980s took centre stage from the 1990s onwards; culture as an explanatory factor had become a dominating politico-pedagogical paradigm that, in an interplay with geo-political developments and general debates on migration, had been increasingly imbued with religion in the form of Islam, which was at the same time mainly understood as a culture distinct from, for instance, Danish culture.
Consequently, what was in the early 1970s described as ‘the foreign child’, ‘the foreign worker child’, and ‘the foreign-language pupil’ was two decades later understood as ‘the bilingual pupil’ with ‘a different culture’, mainly a ‘Muslim culture’. ‘The single travelling male foreign worker’ had simultaneously become ‘the immigrant family’ mainly understood through its Muslimness, which was seen as a problem as well as a resource. It did, however, also mean that a category of different religio-culture, connected to ‘other states’, was already accessible as a social and political category when the systemic competition between the Eastern and the Western Blocs disappeared in the early 1990s and that the security politics and social politics of the later decades—after September 11 for instance—did not invent this socially practised concept. It was already available, and the field of education and its politico-pedagogical actors—though from many different perspectives, positions, and interests—took part in producing it.Notes
1. E.g. cultural studies and policy studies: Said (1981); Mamdani (2005); Nielsen (2012).
2. Gilliam (2006, 2009); Buchardt (2008, 2014). Recently Khawaja (2010) and Hocke (2014) have produced interesting studies on the experience of people active in religious (Islamic) associations. Broader studies of the school life histories of people who have been perceived as, e.g.
Muslims, are still lacking but will be conducted in the research project FLOW: Global flows of migrants and their impact on North European Welfare States 2018–2022, of which I am a part.3. Denmark has compulsory education, not compulsory schooling, meaning that, in principle, children can be instructed at home or in the many private and so-called free schools. The education provided, however, needs to meet the ministerial curriculum for the Folkeskole.
4. Meddelelse fra Arbejdsministeriet 5. november 1970 [Notice from the Ministry of Labour, 5 November 1970], and Arbejdsministeriet den 28. december 1970, Bilag til AFcirkl. nr. 440/70 [Appendix to AF-circular from the Ministry of Labour, 28 December 1970], both reprinted in Andersen (1979, 115).
5. In a circular to the schools in Copenhagen Municipality in 1969, the school director refers to foreign children as mainly children of political refugees. Skrivelse (1969); Skoledirektoren i Kobenhavn (1969).
6. Despite the fact that many immigrants were women, e.g. Andersen (2013).
7. An explicit example of the former is Rahbek Pedersen and Skutnabb-Kangas (1983), 35ff. The cultural sociologist Jonathan M. Schwartz (e.g. 1977) is an example of the latter.
8. Indvandrernes forslag til losning af deres problemer i Danmark (1981); Other voices—specialised teachers and, for instance, an association of Turkish parents in Copenhagen—were sceptical about some of the solutions suggested. Unlike LUFE and IFD, the latter argued that although ‘our children should not forget their own culture and language’, they should be spread as much as possible among Danish-speaking pupils in order to learn about the Danish system and the possibilities it offered. Den tyrkiske for?ldreforening i Kobenhavn (1981); Ahmad and Ekegren (1982); Clausen (1982).
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