<<
>>

Reenactment across the disciplines

The term reenactment is not solely applied to historical events; it is important in the fields of ethnographical and anthropological research as well. Reenactments in their more formal aspect share with rituals a transformative potential arising not from the perfection of an imitation but from the exact and punctual performance of a sequence of actions and gestures as laid down by rule and precedent.

Thus, the reenactment and the ritual will work not according to the inven­tiveness of its actors but to the “happiness” (to coin J. L. Austin's locution) of their delivery. Here the importance of symbol and sign rise in proportion as the self-active power of images and the illusions of presence decrease. In modern art, this linguistic turn from image to sign is evident in the calligraphic tendency of abstract expressionists such as Cy Twombly and Franz Kline, and in the work of New Zealand artist Colin McCahon. In media, film, and theater studies, the reviving or restaging of older pictures, formats, or movies is a form of quotation not unlike the active quotations of Amadis and Orlando performed by Don Quixote when he wishes to run mad according to the best models. In its simplest form, reenactment is expository, as in historical reality television, which restages scenes of a past life (The Trench, Frontier House, etc.) within a documentary framework, partly as an investigation of what extreme circumstances were “really like” and partly as an opportunity for easy sympathy when a reenactor breaks down and weeps real tears. Archaeology comes into the picture when the reenactor’s investigative role contributes to experimental archaeology. This subfield of archaeology strives to recreate past lifeways and technologies in order to test hypotheses about the past. One of the latest and most radical developments is forensic architecture. It uses architectural expertise and various means of visual representation to provide and analyze evidence gathered from a wide array of cases of institutional violence, breaches of human rights, or environmental crimes.
Reenactment is also part of religious life and has an explicitly sacred character, being practiced in Christian pilgrim­ages or the Muslim hajj or in neo-paganism. At the other end of the spectrum, reenactment can verge close to fantasy in video gaming, historical toys, and so-called live action role-play (larp), and thus wear the aspect of play. It can operate within an ethico-juridical context, as in court­rooms and truth and reconciliation tribunals, which use the process of discovery and testimony to exhibit past injustices, if not necessarily to redress them. And it can be musical, understood as historically informed performance practice or the use of music and sound to augment other forms of simulative historical representation.

It is not only the disciplinary lens, then, which shapes the definition of reenactment. To a large extent, time is a factor as well, as the definition of reenactment has changed and been widened over the last two decades. Twenty years ago, reenactment was still associated predominantly with the restaging of significant historical events like the American Civil War and World War II battles, and with living history that used first-person performances to recreate past lifeways by simulating modes of dress, recreation, work, transportation, and speech. Although embraced by the public and attracting large numbers of practitioners, it was regarded with skepticism, if not disdain, within the academy. To the extent that reenactment swelled visitor numbers at heritage sites, it constituted a useful augmentation of other forms of heritage and commemorative practice. Australian ethno­historian Greg Dening’s view of reenactment, often cited since, as the “past dressed up in funny clothes” was a register of its slight stature among serious historians but also an index of its popular appeal. Reenactment might have lacked intellectual rigor and seriousness, but at least it was an attractive vehicle for transmitting historical knowledge to the public, and it drew “citizen histori­ans”—to borrow a term from the sciences—to the study and performance of the past.

Claims to authenticity underscore most reenactments—whether through the use of histor­ically accurate techniques, materials, and performance practices or through technological means like CGI, which generates a heightened sense of realism and historical “completeness.” It is for this reason that practitioners and scholars have taken the claim for authenticity to be a defin­ing feature of the practice. Reenactment has what McCalman and Pickering call a “realist aes- thetic.”Yet simulative historical performances need not be constrained by claims to authenticity: non-realist, non-representational modes of reenactment can likewise collapse temporalities and generate an affective engagement with the past. This recognition signals a need for a revision in our understanding of reenactment, one that goes beyond its realist aesthetic to accommodate reenactment’s multifarious character.

In other words, the dominion of imagination in historical reenactment is probably changing. With the advent of virtual reality and digital forms of processing information of events from multi-perspectival points of view, the eyewitness—and the eye and the image it generates—have been dislodged from their ancient angle of authority to be replaced by an algorithm that does with mathematical precision what imagination used to do. A contest is developing between information technology and the eye (and indeed the other four senses) over the object of reenactment that has broad implications for the status of history itself. By means of digital data storage and the release of that processed data as indisputably belonging to whatever historical case is under investigation, it is possible to assemble such a full and coherent three- and even four-dimensional simulacrum from the streams of data that can be trapped from a single phe­nomenon—formerly impossible even to discover, never mind adjudicate—that is so densely corroborative of what happened in that place at that moment of time, that the result cannot be judged otherwise than authentic and even true.

It is evidence of a kind so indisputable that were an archive to be assembled of historical moments such as those probed by the new school of forensic architecture, then it is fair to say that history as a debate about evidence would cease, and reenactments relying on the empirical model of a personal or group experiment would have to present themselves as fundamentally fictional, or even fantastic, alternatives to truth. Imagination would be regarded as no different from a dream, certainly not as a motive or alibi for any serious enquiry into the case as it is known now beyond a shadow of a doubt to be (forensic architecture). The only form of reenactment exempt from this regime of truth would be the Cartesian or Malthusian negative conjecture—“What if what I do know, I didn't?”—because its mathematical approach to the formation of ideas has as little investment in positive empirical evidence as it has in imagination.

To avoid the blurred boundaries of a relativist approach, it is necessary to situate reenactment inside a contest between Platonism and empiricism that has shaped the intellectual world of the West from its beginning, dividing Plato from Aristotle and, later, Descartes from scientists such as Hooke and Boyle, and Locke from Hume. Platonists are skeptical of the value of representa­tion of any sort, believing that the world intelligible to the mind and soul is supersensible, real but invisible. A visible copy is bound to be infinitely inferior to the original form (MiMESis).The shadows of moving figures flickering on the walls of the cave in The Republic could be construed as an ingenious yet contemptible reenactment of what is going on elsewhere in that space. An idea for Plato then is the repetition in the finite mind of the formal perfection of divine inten­tion, pre-existent and perfect. History, therefore, is not a process of coming into being; it is a record of successive erasures of an idea of truth that we must recollect, not anticipate. An idea for Descartes is what he has when he thinks, and these thoughts owe nothing to sensible impres­sions, although they may validate them.

An idea for empiricists is generally held to be the image of the thing or situation that caused it, which explains how attached the scientists of the early modern period became to prosthetic enhancements of the senses: telescopes and microscopes for the eye, megaphones for the ear, hygroscopes for the nose. The more distinct the impression, they maintained, the more vivid the idea. Under a Platonic regime, ideas become attached to one another by the need to express concepts that grow more abstract as they are refined. But empiricists rely on association: one idea is allied with another because they arrived together in the mind; or because one is the usual effect, or cause, of the other; or because it is its direct opposite. Locke thought such random collections of ideas in the brain were a species of madness. But Hume, following Hobbes on association, pointed out there is no rationale for the train of ideas that pass through the brain: like actors crossing a stage, we neither know where they come from nor where they are going.

Platonists use words that will function like ideas, not resembling their referents or casually associated with them, but acting as conventional yet unmistakable signs of meanings, clear and determinate. Empiricist scientists were fond of words that reported facts clearly, “a close, naked and more natural language, so many things in an equal number of words,” as Sprat put it in his History of the Royal Society. Hence the two philosophers in the third book of Gulliver’s Travels who carry round sacks of things which they hold up to each other in order to communicate, getting rid of spoken words altogether. But they are much more immersed in the material world of impressions, and much more liable to equivocal statements, than the Platonic mathematicians of the Flying Island who, with one eye turned inward and the other up to the sky, meditate so deeply on the supersensible forms of geometry and mathematics that they have to be woken up if they need to attend to what is happening around them.

The conversion of words into signs provides the model for the conversion of sensations into ideas among the Platonists. Descartes demanded, “Why could not Nature have established some sign which would make us have sen­sations of light, even if that sign had in it nothing that resembles this sensation” (1998 [1664], p. 4). What he really means to say, is that the sensation of light, once delivered to the optic nerve, turns into a sign that that the brain interprets as the idea of light. Locke follows on with an even more trenchant analogy between the process of perception and conventional signs:

We may not think (as perhaps is usually done) that [ideas] are exactly the Images and Resemblances of something inherent in the subject; most of those Sensations being in the Mind no more the likeness of something existing without us, than the Names, that stand for them, are the likeness of our Ideas.

(1979 [1689], p. 134)

The traces of these two schools of thought are found at all the major intersections of episte­mological innovation down to the present day, or what Otto in his entry to this Handbook calls “the crossroads of memory, performance, and media.” How do the techniques and objectives of reenactment adapt to the current of these two streams? It would seem at first glance that empiricism is the most attractive, since it has enlarged and complicated the equation between experience and experiment as immersive relations with matter negotiated by the five senses. Most reenactments began with the aim not of knowing what history was like but rather feeling what it was like. For those who believe the line separating information from imagination is still porous, the likeness of reenactment to what is reenacted is an important zone of resemblance rather than identity, allowing a necessary degree of play between the prototype and the copy. Explaining how the later Collingwood retreated from his Cartesian assertion that we think our way into the past, and into the characters of those who populated it, Pickering stands up for “the imaginative process at the core of seeking to understand it.” Schwarz reminds us, however, that imagination is not exactly the womb of things, for no matter how keenly we as individu­als experience the past, it is wrong to suppose that because history was, it can be summoned by Faustian reenactors to be once again. The division Benzaquen-Gautier proposes between liveness and experience, mediation and image, in artistic representation sustains a space that performance studies appropriates for tactical maneuver, manipulating mimetic illusions in order to put an end to the “house arrest” of performance (Schneider). Bruzzi, on the other hand, sees it as an arena in which the will of the representer is subject to chance, contingency, and caprice, a context prolific in unplanned excitements. For Holman Jones, as for Edmonds, reenactment's space of performative contingency generates the possibility of new subject positions, political interventions, and historical insights. On the other hand, the space can simply be a blank inten­sified by reenactment: the place in the archive where an expected record or thing is not to be found (Park), or what Schroeder discusses as the absent home that is not where the nostalgist is, and is not anywhere else either, the home “that is impossibly one's own,” “the blind spot of historicism.”

These exercises in pure or applied empiricism pale before the comprehensive novelty of forensic architecture, which is determined to bring to light whatever the nefarious intentions of governmental agencies have been determined to conceal. There is no room for imagination here: the stakes are too high for the inexactitude of play, or for the paradoxical subtleties of a something that is not there, or a nothing that is. Gallanti puts it succinctly: “Forensic Architecture then generates three-dimensional digital models and a complex set of analytical drawings that constitute an accurate depiction of a specific space or building, caught in the precise historical moment of an event.” But no matter how experimentally focused on the space and time of a singular event, over time forensic architecture will develop skill in harnessing multifarious media for these reenactments. As Gallanti says, it will control a “slow accumulation of knowledge from a widening pool of specialized information” and the “development of evidentiary systems.” This would generate an archive of cases that successfully surpassed not only the evidentiary tech­niques of those with an interest in hiding the truth, but also usurped their power. With such an archive, forensic architecture would contemplate a concatenation of moments of truth rather than a dispersion of facts. It would build a narrative of the past from which all shreds of doubt would have been expunged. History would cease to be a matter of conjecture and debate, more a series of indisputable self-evident truths. This is a newer departure for reenactment history than any other proposed within these Keywords, and it demands a rigorous reconception of what we mean by the past, and by its reenactment.

In summary, reenactment is a broad set of practices and genres that tackles the questions of many disciplines. Because it is related to the past, the natural home for its study and analysis could be the history department. Notwithstanding the fact that the gap between popular and academic forms of historiography has narrowed and history itself has come to be less exclusively the preserve of academically trained historians, the study of reenactment is still a marginal part of historical inquiry. This holds true despite the recent institutional changes that history depart­ments are undergoing. As an outcome of these changes, public history, a subfield of history that engages with different forms of historical knowledge and its presence in the public sphere, has gained significance. However, reenactment, which could be at the center of the public historian's attention, remains, at least in the European context, a marginal area of inquiry. The underlying reasons are diverse: reenactment's oscillation between time-then and time-now makes it difficult to categorize reenactment as either a strictly historical phenomenon or a social one related to the present. Further, reenactment is less institutionalized than forms of public history like muse­ums and heritage sites. In many of reenactment's guises, the main protagonists are laypeople who treat the activity as a hobby, albeit a serious one. Engaging with and understanding laypeople, their attitudes and aims regarding history and the past requires not only historical methods but also anthropological and sociological approaches. Understanding reenactment as an element of historical culture and historical consciousness would benefit from a transdisciplinary approach to the subject, one that considers its myriad aspects as a general feature of reenactment.

<< | >>
Source: Agnew V., Lamb J., Tomann J. (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Reenactment Studies: Key Terms in the Field. London: Routledge,2019. — 287 p.. 2019

More on the topic Reenactment across the disciplines: