The Critical Early Years, 1895—1924
In 1895 Harvey Lillard visited the offices of Daniel David Palmer. “D.D.,” as he is nearly always referred to, had recently opened his practice in Davenport, Iowa, after a varied career that included stints as a schoolmaster and grocery clerk.
Lillard, a janitor, complained that ever since he had received a blow to his neck 17 years ago he had been deaf. Palmer examined the patient and noted a lump in the cervical region. He manipulated Lillard’s spine and, much to the delight of both patient and practitioner, restored his hearing. Chiropractic was bom.Therapeutic manipulation was not unknown to late-nineteenth-century North Americans. They were aware of the long tradition of massage as a healing modality. Bohemian immigrants to the Midwest practiced a special form of massage, napravit. Bonesetting, a form of manipulation involved primarily in treating orthopedic problems, had flourished in some areas. Finally, in Kirksville, Missouri, in 1874, Andrew Taylor Still had founded osteopathy, a school of healing that utilized spinal manipulation.
These diverse healing techniques shared more than their emphasis on manual manipulation. Dmgless healing was an important theme in many nonallopathic systems in the mid-nineteenth century. It was part of a larger response to the excesses of “heroic” therapies (i.e., vigorous cathartics, emetics, and bloodletting) and in fact, mid- and Iate- nineteenth-century healers, both inside and outside the medical profession, increasingly began to emphasize milder interventions. They shared a growing recognition that the worth of many conventional remedies had never been scientifically proved and placed a new emphasis on the healing power of nature. Their skepticism about heroic medicine was epitomized by the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes when he proclaimed in 1860 that, with the exception of a few specific remedies, “if the whole materia medica, as now used, could be sunk to the bottom of the sea, it would be all the better for mankind and all the worse for the fishes.”
Nonallopathic healers took advantage of this climate arguing against any pharmacological therapy, and host of drugless alternatives developed, among them hydropathy, osteopathy, and magnetic healing.
As a drugless system that emphasized the body’s natural healing powers, chiropractic fit easily into this important nineteenth-century trend.Briefly stated, Palmer’s chiropractic fused magnetic healing with therapeutic manipulation. Palmer believed that subluxations of the spinal column caused disease by impinging on the nervous system and inhibiting the flow of the body’s vital “fluid,” which Palmer called “innate intelligence”; disease resulted from either a deficiency or an excess of this fluid. By examining the patient’s spine, a chiropractic could detect the malalignment responsible for the patient’s ailment, manually manipulate the vertebrae, and restore normal alignment, allowing the return of proper nervous function. Once the normal flow of “innate intelligence” resumed, the body’s inner healing powers ensured a return to health.
Palmer argued that his chiropractic approach offered the world an important new philosophy. He believed that God had created a balanced, ordered universe and that equilibrium was the fundamental organizing principle of life. “Innate intelligence” represented God’s presence in human beings. Subluxations created disequilibrium, and the inevitable sequela of this violation of natural law was disease.
Palmer’s vision was consonant with cultural and intellectual assumptions that were prevalent in the United States at the turn of the century. It linked health care to a worldview in which God was benevolent and ruled the universe through natural laws. It emphasized that there should be no conflict between religion and science; science served religion by demonstrating the Creator’s natural laws.
This view of science was a critical component of chiropractic and contrasted sharply with the view of medicine’s new research elite. Increasingly secular, the science of medicine was located in university laboratories, required special training, and was based on a reductionist philosophy. Deductive reasoning and the manipulation of nature in an experimental setting were its hallmarks.
In contrast, chiropractors emphasized a different scientific approach. A scientist observed nature, collected facts, classified these facts, and thereby gained insights into the laws of nature. Furthermore, science linked the physical and spiritual worlds and reemphasized the perfection of the Creator. In his seminal 1910 work, Textbook of the Science, Art and Philosophy of Chiropractic, Palmer explained:Chiropractic is the name of a systematized knowledge of the science of life... an explanation of the methods used to relieve humanity of suffering and the prolonging of life, thereby making this stage of existence much more efficient in its preparation for the next step, a life beyond.
Palmer believed that science ought to serve a subordinate and supportive role in relation to religion. A significant portion of U.S. society shared that view as the popularity of fundamentalism in the 1920s and the Scopes monkey trial dramatically demonstrated. Thus, the chiropractic approach to science remained a powerful model well into the twentieth century, with its legitimacy resting heavily on the assumption that science should reflect God’s grandeur.
Ironically, chiropractors also sought to benefit from the growing prestige of science. They deflected allopathic attacks on chiropractic as quackery by arguing that their system of healing was a truly scientific way of dealing with disease. In fact, they even launched their own offensive by ridiculing physicians for adopting a scientific approach that epitomized the corrupt “atheistic materialism” that was destroying the United States.
Their efforts to reconcile science and religion by emphasizing the primacy of God attracted support at a time when the appropriate relationship between science and religion was hotly contested. They argued that by using drugs and surgery as therapies, and by failing to appreciate the importance of the spiritual in health and disease, physicians rejected the healing power of nature, and implicitly rejected the beneficence and wisdom of God Himself.
When surgeons began to perform an increasing number of appendectomies in the early twentieth century, chiropractors sarcastically noted that it seemed odd that the creator of the universe had made the mistake of giving humans a useless appendix. By focusing on the appendix, an organ presumed to be a vestigial remnant of the evolutionary process, chiropractors highlighted their allegiance with antievolutionists.Chiropractic’s appeal extended beyond the scientific and philosophical. Important tum-of-the-cen- tury social and political themes also reverberated in the chiropractic literature. Chiropractors repeatedly characterized the AMA as a trust, invoking a familiar and powerful image central to this era of reform. They pointed to the growing public health movement as an indication that medicine, like all trusts, manipulated government to its own profit. Compulsory allopathic examination of schoolchildren and the armed forces’ refusal to use nonallopathic healers, they contended, demonstrated the power of medicine over government.
Like all trusts, medicine was ruled by a narrow circle of conspirators. It was not the trustworthy, rural general practitioners who were responsible for medicine’s monopolistic excesses; they too were being duped by a small group of eastern, elite intellectuals. This argument sought to capitalize on the disgruntlement of those physicians who resented the AMA’s increasing emphasis on research science. Furthermore, it allowed individuals to condemn the medical profession but to retain confidence in their personal physician.
Chiropractors accused medicine of dominating the media, another characteristic of monopolies. They cited AMA boycotts of newspapers that contained “quack” advertisements and the explosive increase in the number of press releases by physicians’ organizations.
The chiropractic solution to the problem of the medical trust was simple: open competition. The United States was built on rugged individualism. The merit of each practitioner and each healing profession should be established solely by a jury of patients.
Individuals should determine whether their health care was adequate; government regulation was unnecessary and demeaned the “common man” by suggesting that he was incapable of assessing the quality of his health care. Physicians had no right to expect governmental protection or to hold themselves up as elite members of the healing profession. Rather, they were a wealthy aristocracy attempting selfishly to protect their interests. AMA efforts at educational and licensing reform were guaranteed to exclude the honest poor from the medical profession. By requiring collegiate training before medical school and the use of Latin prescriptions, the AMA had erected artificial barriers designed to elevate the physician and intimidate the patient. In contrast, chiropractic colleges required no formal educational background and no foreign languages. Anyone with common sense who was willing to apply himself or herself could become a chiropractor.Although necessary, the congruence of chiropractic’s social, political, cultural, and scientific appeals with early-twentieth-century beliefs was not sufficient to ensure the system’s survival. To be successful, chiropractic needed more than a coherent message; it needed a leader. The man who responded to this need was Bartlett Joshua Palmer.
B.J., as he is invariably referred to, was D. D. Palmer’s son. When the elder Palmer was jailed in 1906 for violating the medical practice law, B.J. took over the reigns of the Palmer School of Chiropractic (P.S.C.). Under his charismatic leadership both the school in Davenport, Iowa, and the general focus of chiropractic expanded enormously. B.J. began to market this system of healing aggressively, and enrollment at the P.S.C. increased from a trickle, to a stream, to a flood. There had been a total of 15 graduates in the decade before B.J. inherited the school. Starting in 1921 the P.S.C. graduated more than 1,000 students per year. Although the number of graduates soon declined into the hundreds, the Palmer School remained a major chiropractic institution throughout B.J.’s career.
B.J. did not limit his efforts to the development of the P.S.C. He tirelessly proselytized for all of chiropractic. Establishing a printing office at the Palmer School, he turned out a flood of chiropractic literature. He opened one of the first radio stations in Iowa, over whose powerful airways he proclaimed the benefits Ofchiropractic healing. B. J. went on lecture tours, organized the Universal Chiropractors Association, lobbied legislators, and appeared at trials. A nearly cultlike atmosphere developed around him and few could be neutral about the man. Nonetheless, B.J.’s forceful advocacy Ofchiropractic created more publicity, which was necessary to the development of the field. Indeed, it began to flourish as his efforts combined this system of healing with a philosophy of health and disease that resonated with important concerns for many North Americans. The growing influence of chiropractic arguments and chiropractors is suggested by their ability to convince legislators that chiropractors deserved licensure. In 1913 Kansas passed the first law recognizing chiropractors, and several other states in the Midwest soon did the same. By the 1930s, despite vigorous medical opposition, chiropractors had obtained some form of legal recognition in 32 states. Despite the skepticism and outright hostility of physicians, millions of North Americans were consulting chiropractors.