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Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine (Federation of German Women’s Clubs)

On March 29, 1894, the Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine (BDF, or Federation of Ger­man Women’s Clubs) was founded in Berlin. It was the first umbrella organiza­tion with the specific aim of connecting and centralizing the broad spectrum of women’s interests and concerns.

The idea for such a federation had originated in the United States. In 1893, several prominent German women’s rights activists—Anna Simson, Hanna Bieber-Bohm, Auguste Forster, and Kathe Schirmacher—had at­tended the International Women’s Con­gress at the Chicago World Fair and had familiarized themselves with the perspec­tives, strategies, and organizational forms of the American women’s movements. Tak­ing the National Council of Women as their model, they had returned to Ger­many with the plan to bring together, under one organizational roof, as many dif­ferent women’s clubs as possible and thus to extend the movements’ political reach and influence. The World Fair in Chicago and the resulting formation of the BDF can thus be considered the formal begin­ning of German American organized women’s cooperation.

In addition to the National Council of Women in the United States, the BDF was also indebted to the International Council of Women (ICW), which was founded in Washington, D.C., in 1888. The meetings of the ICW happened in the context of a lively, more informal transatlantic ex­change. At the end of the nineteenth cen­tury, travel times between the United States and Europe had shrunk to five days on an ocean liner, although distance and cost often still constituted considerable obsta­cles, both for individual women and the organizations of which they were part. Nevertheless, many professional contacts were established, and individual friend­ships developed. One prominent example was Jane Addams, the founder of the set­tlement movement, who traveled to Eu­rope in 1883 as part of her “finishing tour.” She visited Ireland, England, the Nether­lands, Italy, Greece, Austria, France, Switzerland, and Germany.

This journey, intended as the final step of her formal ed­ucation, turned into the initial impulse for her later dedication to social reform. Two years later, she again visited Europe (this time especially England, Germany, Italy, and Spain) and brought back the idea for Hull-House. During this second trip, Ad- dams collected information on women’s situation and the state of the women’s movements in these European countries, being especially impressed by German so­cial reform. And Addams was not alone in her interest and engagement. Other re­formers of the Progressive Era—among them Florence Kelley, Alice Hamilton, Mary Church Terrell, Mary Kingsbury Simkovitch, and Emily Greene Balch—re- peatedly traveled to Europe, often includ­ing visits to Germany. Most of them had initially come on study or finishing tours but later deliberately sought contacts with German reformers. Many saw in German institutions and reforms models to take back and implement on their side of the Atlantic. Especially the German educa­tional system and an insurance legislation that emphasized social responsibility seemed worthy of emulation.

In turn, German women familiarized themselves with the goals and perspectives of the American women’s movements dur­ing their travels to the United States. Ad- dams in particular became a role model for the prominent positions women could oc­cupy within social reform. Hull-House in Chicago was considered one of the most attractive destinations of politically inter­ested European travelers; even Bertha von Suttner, Austrian writer, pacifist, and first recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, stopped there. German women also took advantage of the opportunity to inform American women of their activities at home because most American activists had only a sketchy understanding of the situation in Ger­many, despite the general enthusiasm that accompanied these transatlantic connec­tions. And several prominent German women’s rights activists managed to be ac­knowledged in the United States for their ideals and goals; Alice Salomon in particu­lar established herself in American circles as an expert on German social policies and published widely in American journals.

ICW and BDF shared the idea of bring­ing together and accommodating a wide va­riety of women’s interests; accordingly, both organizations’ statutes were intentionally vague and flexible. The ICW’s correspon­ding secretary, Teresa Wilson, expressed both apprehension and enthusiasm when she described this strategy of noninterfer­ence in the Quinquennial Report of the ICW for 1899 as both “our stumbling-block and our pride—our stumbling-block be­cause of the difficulty we experience in ex­plaining precisely by rule and measure what we are and what we want, and our pride be­cause this very vagueness enables us to be all-embracing” (Rupp 1997, 19). In a simi­lar vein, paragraph 2 of the BDF’s founding documents determined that the federation should explicitly refrain from interfering in its member societies’ internal affairs.

This policy of noninterference, how­ever, was not easy to maintain, as the vari­ous groups’ perspectives and goals differed widely and often resulted in conflicting de­mands. In Germany, the bourgeois women’s movement alone was divided be­tween radicals and moderates, and Socialist and conservative women constituted inde­pendent factions outside middle-class or­ganizing. In addition, Prussian law prohib­ited women, high school students, apprentices, and “insane” persons—until 1908—from being members of political organizations. This law had far-reaching consequences for the formation of an or­ganized women’s movement in the German Empire because it forced all women’s or­ganizations to project an explicitly nonpo­litical image in order to prevent being shut down by police. This was especially detri­mental to the Socialist/Social Democratic women’s movement because their support for the rights of female workers was, as far as the state was concerned, undoubtedly political. Socialist women’s societies and their members were thus constantly under observation, running a high risk of perse­cution and/or prohibition.

Despite these difficult political cir­cumstances and its highly contested begin­nings, the BDF quickly developed into a very powerful organization.

Before World War I, membership grew surprisingly fast. With 65 member organizations in its first year, it grew to include 137 organizations with about 70,000 individual members in 1901. In 1913, it consisted of 2,200 or­ganizations and approximately 500,000 individual members. In 1933, the Na­tional Socialists tried to incorporate the BDF in its own women’s organization; to avoid this development, the BDF chose to disband.

Kerstin R. Wolff

See also Addams, (Laura) Jane; International Council of Women

References and Further Reading

Gerhard, Ute, and Ulla Wischermann.

Unerhort: Die Geschichte der deutschen

Frauenbewegung. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1990.

Greven-Aschoff, Barbara. Die burgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland, 1894—1933. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1981.

Herminghouse, Patricia. “‘Wohl auf Schwestern!' Schnittpunkte der deutschen und amerikanischen Frauenbewegung im 19. Jahrhundert.” Deutsch-amerikanischen Begegnungen: Konflikte und Kooperation im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Ed. Frank Trommler and Elliott Shore. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 2001, 103-116.

Rupp, Leila J. Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Womens Movement.

Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997.

Schuler, Anja. Frauenbewegung und soziale Reform: Jane Addams und Alice Salomon im transatlantischen Dialog, 1889—1933. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2004.

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Source: Adam Thomas. Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History. ABC-CLIO, 2005. — 1365 p.. 2005

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